By Senate Sergeant-at-Arms Tony Beard and Greg Schmidt, Secretary of the Senate.

The day started with the usual grey West Coast beach overcast which, as the bagpiper played, soon began to break. The morning sunlight gradually crept through the stained glass windows, filling the sanctuary of the American Martyrs Catholic Church with a sense of warmth and welcome.

The people who had come this day to celebrate the life of long-time senator Robert Graham Beverly numbered about 250, including former California senator and Governor George Deukmejian, Former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown, Attorney General and former Governor Jerry Brown, Secretary of State Debra Bowen, Assemblyman Charles Calderon and former legislators Richard Alatorre, Mike Roos, and Jerry Felando. 

There was also a special friend and emissary — Don Maddy, the son of Beverly’s closest friend, the late Senator Ken Maddy — and numerous friends, professional associates and neighbors.

Beverly’s wife of 64 years, Bettilu, along with her family, greeted us as we entered the church.  Once seated, we were greeted by a large black and white photograph of Beverly as a candidate, very Kennedy-like, coatless with shirt and tie, sitting on the top of the back seat of a white convertible, white hair, a broad smile, waving to the crowd in front of him.  On this day that crowd was us.  It was hard not to wave back.  It made you smile, just remembering.

After the Catholic ceremony, we were treated to various remembrances of this man — father, grandfather, husband, Ssenator. 

Superior Court Judge Hollingsworth, a former law partner, remembered their struggles in the early days.  How they spent time pitching pennies with each other in the office waiting for the phone to ring. How their careers as lawyers grew, right up to Judge Hollingsworth’s appointment to the Superior Court bench where later in his career he was asked to serve in the South Bay Superior Court, so it would be easier for him to have his weekly Friday lunch with his pal, Bob Beverly. 

It was evident that change of location was “influenced quietly by the Senator”.

Judge Bill Keene, who said, “his credentials were in order to recall his 60-year friend.” said that Bob, “sang from inside” as a state senator.  How he was meant to fill that seat.  How the judge’s favorite Yiddish word was “mensch” .  How it meant someone of consequence, someone to be emulated and admired, someone of noble character, with a sense of dignity and a sense of what is right.

That was Bob Beverly, as a senator and person.

He recalled that on the death of George Gershwin, it was said by a friend, “I don’t have to believe it if I do not want to.”  And with great poignancy stated, “Bob Beverly died on October 14^th 2009 and I don’t have to believe it if I don’t want to.”

Beverly’s young Grandson, Angus, recalled conversations with his grandfather, doing word scrambles and the senator’s love of American history.  How his grandfather taught him confidence and integrity. 

He said he loved these conversations with his grandfather.  Like the time Bob was discussing oil drilling and the effects on the environment with his daughter, Angus’ mother. 

Angus joined the conversation, agreeing with his mother’s point of view and told his Republican grandfather, “Everyone knows Republicans do not care about the environment.”

The senator paused, and then reminded his grandson, “Teddy Roosevelt was a Republican and he cared about the environment. Don’t tell me Republicans do not care about the environment.”

He remembered the time they visited Washington D.C.  How “they visited the various monuments and the conversations they had about them or the people they celebrated.

But one was especially important one, the World War II Memorial, where for the first time, he saw his grandfather cry.

“He was silent as his eyes teared up. I know it was for the people in that war that he cared about,” Angus said.

One of Beverly’s sons thanked the caregivers who gave their time to comfort his father during his last days.  He told us a story about election brochures and why Bob believed everything printed should get out before Election Day “because there is nothing more useless than an election brochure the day after an election.”

It was a ceremony that truly reflected the impact of legislative term limits, since it was void of any active members of the Senate.  Bob served 30 years in the Legislature, was vice chairman of the Rules Committee and routinely the upper house’s presiding officer, yet no current Senators were present. 

Greg Schmidt and I were asked by a former member of the Assembly, “Where is the Senate?” to which Greg Schmidt replied, “I guess it’s us”. 

In a different time, a quorum would have been present.

Our Secretary of the Senate said it so well: “Bob loved two things, life and the Senate. Life has subdivisions that were his privately: his family, his friends, his hometown, his history. But his love of the Senate was ours together.” 

Beverly believed fervently in the value of our governmental system, where citizens might be elected and serve with others who become friends, joining together to make this state a better place.

“He was the last Republican senator to preside—not that the rules have changed, not because he was subservient to the majority, but because he believed it was HIS goddamn house.

“He was there and he made his own way.”

It was a ceremony befitting the gentlemen he was.

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Among the points made in State Treasurer Bill Lockyer’s wide-ranging testimony to the Senate and Assembly Select Committees on Improving State Government (See the post below) is that California can no longer keep issuing debt willy-nilly.

He explicates the point in his recently issued annual Debt Affordability Report which shows the amount of debt service the cash-starved General Fund pays doubling from $6 billion this year to more than $12 billion in seven years.

That $12 billion in the 2016-2017 state fiscal year represents nearly 10.5 percent of the General Fund, up from 6.7 percent his year.

Lockyer recommends creating a commission, which, in turn would create a master plan on long-term investment in public works, which currently are inadequate for a state of 39 million residents, let alone the 50 million residents California is expected to have within 25 years.

“Rising debt service costs during the next three budget cycles will crimp the availability of General Fund monies to pay for state services,” the report says.

“The problem will not begin to recede until the state’s revenue flow begins to recover from the recession. Even then, (the treasurer’s office) estimates debt service costs will be at historically high levels through the coming decade and beyond.”

Worse, most of that higher level of debt service stems from already issued bonds so “balancing the budget will have to be accomplished with little help from the debt service side of the ledger.”

Using Department of Finance revenue estimates created in July, the report notes that as debt service payments increase, so does the recurring gap between state revenues and spending commitments.

In the fiscal year beginning July 1, 2010 the Schwarzenegger administration estimates there will be a budget gap of $7.4 billion. The following year there will be one of $15.5 billion and $15.1 billion the year after that.

And since those estimates were made in July it is likely the imbalances have worsened. For example, in July 2009 unemployment was 11.9 percent statewide. It climbed to 12.3 percent in August and dropped slightly to 12.2 percent in September.

What were previously the fastest growing parts of the state – Riverside and San Bernardino have unemployment rates of 14.7 percent and 13.6 percent respectively. Los Angeles County has a 12.7 percent rate.

Among the report’s other grim news, California’s current bond ratings are the lowest of any state. “Significantly lower,” as the report says. Low bond ratings translate into higher borrowing costs.
A continuing concern of Moody’s Fitch and Standard & Poor’s, the bond rating agencies, is that the majority of state revenues – in particular personal income tax – are sharply affected by the boom-bust of economic cycles.

“The state’s dependence on income taxes, including the capital gains tax and sales taxes increases budget pressures during periods of economic weakness – especially if spending is not properly managed during boom times. In addition, the state’s use of one-time budget solutions continues to concern the rating agencies,” the report says.

One-time solutions like the ones that will likely be used by lawmakers and Schwarzenegger as they grapple with next year’s budget shortfall.

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When he gets up a decent head of rhetoric steam, State Treasurer Bill Lockyer is remarkable to behold.

On October 22, in approximately 15 minutes of testimony before the Senate and Assembly select committees on Improving State Government, the former Attorney General and Senate president pro tempore said he was “Aristotelian” a “First Amendment purist,” informed the committee that “politics is theater for ugly people” and two-thirds of the bills passed by the Assembly are “junk.”

The select committees are considering ways to improve the legislative process. The San Leandro Democrat was to be part of a panel focused on “Pressing Issues, Bipartisanship, Oversight and Strengthening Integrity of the Legislative Process.”

However, Mike Feuer, a Los Angeles Democrat who chairs the Assembly committee, said Lockyer’s schedule didn’t allow and so he would speak on his own.

The committee had trouble stopping him.

A key part of the problem with the government, Lockyer said, is that it is designed not to work.

“Three branches, two houses, checks and balances. Nothing will happen and people will be left alone,” he said, in paraphrasing the thinking of the Founding Fathers.

Shortly after they arrive, legislators should meet with committee staff to educate themselves on policy, Lockyer said.

Legislative oversight?

“We all talk about it but it rarely happens.”

On the differences between the executive branch and the Legislature:

“You’re paid for results, not having an opinion.”

Legislators ought to “look at something.” If carrying a bill about the Employment Development Department, a lawmaker should visit the department and talk to long-time employees. Not the director of the department, Lockyer said, because they’ll “just whine about their budget.”

In wanting to gather such empirical information, Lockyer said he was “very Aristotelian.”

Sen. Mark Wyland, an Escondido Republican, said sitting legislators simply didn’t have enough time to go and personally visit the entities their policy affects.

“You got to make it,” Lockyer said.

Lockyer admitted to having difficulty embracing limits on the amount of legislation that can be introduced because he said he is a “First Amendment purist.”

However, perhaps “graduated” bill limits would be sensible, Lockyer allowed.

“Don’t let the first termers introduce more than five bills,” Lockyer said facetiously. The committee, at least, appeared to believe he was joking.

He urged lawmakers to stop passing “junk,” telling them “Nancy Reagan’s right: Just say “no.’ “

To Democrats, Lockyer said, “In an era where we’re not going to have tax increases, give it up.”

When putting together a budget “truncate the subcommittees that don’t do anything except rubber-stamp the special interests that come before them.”

That, Lockyer said, would “get the real work started sooner.”

He urged that policy committees be more active in crafting trailer bills accompanying the budget because it’s “not fair to have people work hard in policy committee and then have it changed at the last minute.” 

Feuer asked how Lockyer specifically would reduce the volume of legislation by, say, 30 percent to 40 percent.

Allowing as to the difficulty of doing so, Lockyer said:

 “Bills are my babies. I love every one of them. I don’t want them aborted or anything else.”

Realizing what he just said: “Sorry to get in the middle of another philosophical dispute.”

He described Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s $15 billion of Economic Recovery Bonds as a “bad idea” because the state is using long-term bonds to pay current bills.

“Please don’t do it anymore,” Lockyer said, before stressing how delays in enacting budgets drive up the state’s borrowing costs.

Lockyer volunteered that “it’s impossible for the Legislature to reform the pension system and, if we don’t, it bankrupts the state.”

The reason?

Lockyer didn’t say specifically but attributed it to who elected the lawmakers, which, at least for Democrats, are largely campaign contributions from public employee unions.

In response to a question about the negative impact of term limits, Lockyer suggested replacing the current process of electing legislators with picking 120 people by lottery and giving them eight year terms after which they would be forever banished from state elected office.

How can lawmakers reform the process? Lockyer was asked.

“You can pass almost anything if you add sufficient punishment for the Legislature.”

Lockyer noted that his favorite place to visit is not the state Capitol. 

“I try and stay out of this building. It feels so irrational when I come over here.”

And, as to why California continues to be plagued by a spate of problems:

“Big problems don’t get solved because they’re kind of unsolvable.”

Bruised legislative egos were the only reported injuries.

Prior to Lockyer’s testimony, Feuer asked another speaker in the midst of detailing his views on government reform to wrap up, in the interest of time. 

The hearing on reform began 15 minutes after its scheduled start.

Catch Lockyer’s performance on the re-run of the Joint Legislative Hearing on Legislative Reform on the California Channel.

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There’s some friction in the state Senate Republican caucus because two of its members are running for statewide office – against each other.

Sen. Sam Aanestad of Grass Valley faces Sen. Jeff Denham of Merced in the 2010 lieutenant governor primary.

Aanestad recently launched his campaign. Denham’s view is that in instances where two senators are running against each other, one should not be “favored” as he believes Aanestad is with a seat on the upper house’s powerful Rules Committee.

So Denham penned a letter seeking support from his fellow Republicans for Aanestad resigning from the committee, a move, not surprisingly, Aanestad opposes. 

In a recent meeting of the GOP caucus, Denham sought action on his request. Senate Republican Leader Dennis Hollingsworth of Murrieta said he wanted to deal with the issue later, sources say.

Denham sought a vote to, in essence, override Hollingsworth and take up the Aanestad issue. The caucus voted 9 to 4 take the issue up, with Hollingsworth and Aanestad representing half of the “no” votes.

Then, again over the Republican leader’s objection, a vote was taken on whether Aanestad should resign from the committee. The vote was 9 to 4 in favor of Aanestad’s resignation. Despite the vote, he declined.

Nor does he need to resign, other than to avoid the ire of nine of his fellow Senate Republicans.

The four members of the Rules Committee, other than the Senate President Pro Tempore who is the chair, are elected to their posts by a vote of the full upper house.

Once a member of the Rules Committee the only way to leave it is to resign or no longer be a senator.

If a vacancy were to occur during the Legislature’s current recess, which seems unlikely given Aanestad’s reaction to the caucus vote, the remaining four Rules members choose a fifth member. When in session, election is by the whole Senate.

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